Western Liberalism: Fueling the Rise of Political Strongmen

Liberalism has long been associated with individual freedom, constitutional government, and protected rights. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, liberal democracy has been widely viewed as the most dominant political model in Western societies. Yet the rise of political strongmen has since challenged this consensus. From politicians such as Donald Trump in the United States to Viktor Orbán in Hungary, strongmen who champion national unity and decisive action have gained the support of the electorate.

This raises an important question: does the rise of strongmen expose weaknesses within liberalism? This article will explore instances where the ideology may have fallen short, but also where political complacency and arrogance may have led to public disillusionment.

The Limits of Western Liberalism

Liberalism as an ideology places equality and freedom at the centre of governance. However, its emphasis on the individual can make it difficult for society to establish a shared sense of purpose. This creates tension between personal liberty and “the common good” – a liberal approach may prioritise individual choice, even if it comes at the cost of social wellbeing.

Consequently, this apparent weakness creates opportunities for the strongman. When politics appear too neutral or fragmented, strongmen present themselves as sources of unity by offering a clear national identity and vision for society. For example, Orbán utilised Christianity in Hungary to build a collective identity during the 2015 European migrant crisis. Eurostat reported that 2015 saw 1,255,600 first- time asylum seekers registered, more than double of the 562,680 in 2014, of which over 600,000 were from Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria (Eurostat, 2016), primarily Muslim countries. He weaponised the influx of Muslim migrants, deeming them “invaders” who would ultimately create parallel societies as they would not integrate with a “Christian” Europe. Contrary to this, data from the Hungarian Central Statistical Office revealed Hungary has a majority secular population - only 42.5% of the population identify as Christian (Hungarian Central Statistical Office, 2023), suggesting that few Hungarians would relate with Orbán’s agenda. But the fact that he remained such an influential political figure shows that to the electorate, the notion of having a shared identity, in this case the idea of a nation united, outweighs the actual political and religious views they actually held. Ultimately, Orbán’s tenure exemplifies the limits of liberalism: when a system lacks the “common good”, it creates a void of the absence of societal cohesion which the strongman can fill.

Economic Disillusionment

The disillusionment surrounding liberalism is also rooted in the economic model of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism, which became prominent in the late 20th century, promoted free markets, privatisation of services, and lower taxes. But while these policies were intended to stimulate efficiency and economic growth, they also contributed to greater inequality and reduced labour protections. Although defenders of the model claimed that the wealth generated by these corporations would “trickle down” through investment and job creation, critics argued that much of the economic gain would remain concentrated among businesses. According to the Economic Policy Institute, net productivity in the United States’ economy grew by 59.7% from 1979-2019, while the workers’ compensation only grew by 15.8% (Bivens & Mishel, 2021). The productivity- pay gap illustrates why neoliberalism may have drawn so much criticism, as it seemed to benefit corporations more than the ordinary citizen.

Consequently, economic grievances can be redirected into cultural resentment by the strongman. Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign demonstrated this. He rejected neoliberal doctrine as seen in his criticism of NAFTA by calling it “the worst trade deal ever made” and attributing it to the loss of American manufacturing jobs. Trump directly linked these difficulties to migration. During a campaign rally, he remarked about immigrants- “They're taking our jobs” (Trump D. J., 2015), framing immigrants for the economic decline in the former industrial heartlands of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin.

But extensive research directly countered this. The National Bureau of Economic Research paper concluded that immigrants expand labour demand: each immigrant creates around 1.2 jobs for local workers (Hong & Mclaren, 2015). Nevertheless, Trump’s election success, especially in the Rust Belt states show that despite the empirical evidence, neoliberalism’s failure to deliver equal prosperity provided the strongman with the opportunity to redirect an economic dissatisfaction into a cultural hostility which mobilised disillusioned voters.

The Failure of Liberal Politicians

Although liberalism does have weaknesses, politicians are responsible for interpreting and implementing policies. Therefore, it can be said that this ideological disillusionment can also be attributed to the failure of politicians to respond to societal issues convincingly. For instance, Hillary Clinton’s description of half of Trump’s supporters belonging to “the basket of deplorables” (Clinton, 2016), drew intense criticism and accusations of liberal elitism. Although she also acknowledged that the other half of Trump’s supporters had felt abandoned by the current government and economy, her comment reinforced the perception that liberal politicians viewed themselves as morally superior.
This wasn’t the only time liberal politicians had assumed a position of arrogance. After the end of the Cold War, Francis Fukuyama published The End of History and The Last Man (Fukuyama, 1992), with the argument that ideological evolution had come to an end. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, his thesis seemed to prove the failure of communism, and the prevailing of Western liberalism. However, in the book’s concluding chapters, Fukuyama also acknowledges that the repercussions of the lack of ideological conflict may be the decline of striving and ambition within societies. The term “the last man”, borrowed from the philosopher Nietzsche, refers to someone that is no longer driven by ambition and struggle, instead choosing to live in comfort and never striving for anything more. In many ways, this was true for many Western nations in the 1990s. There was a notion of a peace dividend, where funds are reallocated from military spending towards public needs following a conflict. This was noticed across the world, where military expenditures fell by over 20% in proportion to GDP from 1985 to 1990 (Hewitt, 1993). This suggests how Fukuyama’s thesis may have become validation for nations. As a result of assumed long-term peace, countries became less vigilant of threat and more complacent, possibly not addressing any social or economic issues as they did not feel the need to- embodying “The Last Man”.

This attitude of triumphalism could also have led to later liberal interventionism. The assumption that liberalism was the “superior ideology” led to politicians overstepping intervention in global conflicts, such as Blair’s intervention in the Iraq War. In his Chicago speech in 1999, he outlined his “Doctrine of the International Community”, defining that globalisation has led to interdependence between countries and therefore, the need for interference (Blair, 1999). However, Blair’s actions in Iraq seemed to have contradicted many of the conditions he identified for justified intervention. The Chilcot Inquiry showed that both intelligence and preparation of the invasion was inadequate, military action was taken before all other options had been exhausted, and the consequences of the intervention were heavily underestimated (House of Commons Library, 2016). The events in Iraq also deeply damaged public trust: a YouGov poll in 2016, 13 years from the invasion, it was revealed that 53% of Britons say that “they can never forgive Tony Blair” (YouGov, 2016).

The Iraq War damaged the credibility of Western liberalism, as Blair’s overconfidence ultimately led to legal and moral overreach, making him seem naïve and self- righteous. Such events could then strengthen the appeal of the strongmen who capitalise on public distrust to gain support. This suggests that the problem of public disillusionment lies less in liberalism’s core principles, and more in the way of how politicians have understood and applied them. By using liberalism as a justification for harmful decisions, liberal politicians have also contributed to the discontent for the ideology.

Conclusion

Liberalism is not without flaws; it is weak in creating collective cohesion which creates a void that is easily exploited by a strongman. Furthermore, its economic model has created financial inequality, positioning the ideology as vulnerable for strongmen to attack. However, the most significant catalyst of the rise of strongmen across democracies appears to be the failure of liberal politicians, as through their complacency and arrogant rhetoric, they have managed to create distrust and alienation from the public, fuelling disillusionment and a desire for alternatives.

Audrey Tse is a UK- based student with an interest in pursuing political science.
Email- [email protected]

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